A collection of bedtime stories - or sharpshooter & sniper tales

One musician wrote a description of Gettysburg. His unit fought at Culp's Hill where they watched the 27th Indiana attempt to take a position held by the Rebs. They were bloodily repulsed. He recalled scenes of death. One man was sheltered behind a tree and on his hands an knees with his head turned to one side and eyes wide open as if looking for his comrades. Another was clutching his entrails where they had spilled out when a shell fragment tore open his abdominal cavity. "One had climbed into a tall tree to do the sharpshooter act, and when killed his foot had caught in a crotch and he was now hung, head downward, from the limb."

Book update: The editor has finished with the prologue, epilogue, foreword, introduction and thirteen of the fifteen chapters. I have to re-download or scan some images since the hard drive died. I hope to have everything done by the end of December. It's only three years late.
 
Don't try this at home

and I couldn't do it if I tired. You guys remember the Bucktails, don't you? Well, here's another bedtime story involving a Bucktail.
"We went, by rail, to Baltimore, where we were placed on board a steamer, guarded by a Pennyslvania regiment called the 'Bucktails.'

While we were traveling down the Chesapeake Bay, at the rate of about eight miles an hour, I saw one of the soldiers shoot a wild duck on the wing with a minie rifle. I thought it was an accident, but his comrades declared that he was the best rifle shot in the Federal Army."
 
''...but his comrades declared that he was the best rifle shot in the Federal Army."

How come there's hardly any stories about the good guys in this thread?

__________________
 
Good guys? Which side are the good guys? There's plenty of accounts of sharpshooters both blue and grey herein. I just didn't say which side some of them are on. That'll be in the book though.

I'm no expert on hysterography (or is it histography?) but ennyway, there tends to be more primary material from Union sources than from their corn-fed counterparts. Why, you ask? Well, literacy may have been better in the North than the South but I've read some pretty poorly written material from both sides. Also, the South had a paper shortage and soldiers couldn't write as often as they wished. Secondly, things tended to get destroyed a lot more in the south so there's less material preserved for we'uns to read today. Finally, until the "old soldier syndrome" kicks in, people try to forget the bad and won't talk about things until the pain subsides. Then when old soldier syndrome kicks in, they tend only to remember the good and gloss over the painful memories. In that light, it's not surprising that fewer ex-Confederates wrote than did their Union counterparts. When they did write, they could be tainted by the "lost cause" mentality and the famous Confederate sharpshooter, Berry Benson, was certainly affected by it. I try to be partisan in my research as I take no sides (it's all hystery to me). The Confederate story is much harder to piece together than the Union.

That said, confound you anyway BHP Fan! Here's a story involving a corn-fed who got the best of a Yankee! I hope you're happy.

“We camped about a mile back from the Rebels’ works in a piece of timber. The ground in front was a little higher, so we couldn’t see the works, but could hear the firing. There was a nice creek a few rods behind camp in a deep gulch, with a fine white sand bottom, and water about two inches deep. One day I went down there to scour my gun barrel. I went by where one of the Company D boys was shaving one of the other boys. I was gone about an hour, and when I got back the one that was doing the shaving was buried. A ball had come from the front and killed him instantly. He never spoke, but fell backwards on his back and held the razor in his hand until told to let go. I couldn’t believe or realize it when they told me. That was the only bullet that came in this camp, and he, like Turner, didn’t know he was hit.”

BTW, for those who are interested, my article on the Confederate aeroplane was published in the Winter 2008 issue of The Military Collector and Historian.
 
Here's a Corn-fed tale

“Old Joe walks the line. He happens to see the blue coats in the valley, in plain view. Company H is ordered to fire on them. We take deliberate aim and fire a solid volley of minnie balls into their midst. We see a terrible comsplutterment among them, and know that we have killed and wounded several of Sherman’s incendiaries. They seem to get mad at our audacity, and ten pieces of cannon are brought up, and pointed right toward us. We see the smoke boil up, and a moment afterward the shell is roaring and bursting right among us. Captain Joe P. Lee orders us to load and fire at will upon these batteries. Our Enfields crack, keen and sharp; and , ha, ha, ha, look yonder! The Yankees are running away from their cannon, leaving two pieces to take care of themselves.”

Happy New Year everyone! Stay safe and sane when you have fun. :D
 
I just love a good old comsplutterment. It just isn't worth chewing through the constraints without one.
 
TRUE STORY

Sedgwick, John (Civil War Union general) - Last Words of a General
John Sedgwick, a Union commander during the Civil War, uttered these last words about the enemy forces during a battle:
"They couldn't hit an elephant at this dist--"
 
More detail


Sedgwick fell at the beginning of the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, on May 9, 1864. His corps was probing skirmish lines ahead of the left flank of Confederate defenses and he was directing artillery placements. Confederate sharpshooters were about 1,000 yards (910 m) away and their shots caused members of his staff and artillerymen to duck for cover. Sedgwick strode around in the open and was quoted as saying, "What? Men dodging this way for single bullets? What will you do when they open fire along the whole line? I am ashamed of you. They couldn't hit an elephant at this distance." Although ashamed, his men continued to flinch and he repeated, "I'm ashamed of you, dodging that way. They couldn't hit an elephant at this distance."[2] Just seconds later he fell forward with a bullet hole below his left eye.[3][4]

Sedgwick was the highest ranking Union casualty in the Civil War. Although James B. McPherson was in command of an army at the time of his death and Sedgwick of a corps, Sedgwick had the most senior rank by date of all major generals killed. Upon hearing of his death, Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant repeatedly asked, "Is he really dead?"[4]
 
yet more detail...

Sergeant Grace, 4th Georgia Infantry
On 9 May, 1864 a confederate sniper took what was to be considered an incredible shot at that time. During the Battle of Spotsylvania, Sgt. Grace of the 4th Georgia Infantry, took aim and fired at a distant Union officer. Grace was using a British Whitworth target rifle and the distance was 800 yards. Grace's target, Major General John Sedgwick, fell dead after uttering the words "Why, they couldn't hit an elephant at this dist...". Sedgwick's death resulted in a delay of the Union attack which in turn gave General Robert E. Lee the edge he needed to win the day at Spotsylvania.
 
one for the New Year
General William H. Lytle was mortally wounded by an unknown Confederate sniper while leading a charge at the battle of Chickamauga on Sep. 19, 1863. The sharpshooter used a Whitworth .45 calibre percussion rifle. The Confederate Army used sharpshooters quite a lot to counter their lack of heavy weapons and material. The Confederate snipers were skilled and harried the Union troops and artillery, specialising in killing Union officers. However, there weren't enough snipers to stem the tide, and as we know from history the better equipped Union forces won the war.
 
We actually don't know who shot Papa John Sedgwick. Charles Grace claims to and so did Ben Powell. Both were equipped with Whitworths and claimed to have shot an officer from his horse. OK, that's fine, but Sedgwick was on foot and had just nudged a man, gently reprimanding him for dodging.
 
I've heard that story,and also the story that Sedgwick was on horseback,and his staff was begging him to get down,as the Rebels had Whitworth rifles.You're right,we'll never know for sure.When you pull the trigger,and see your man go down you can be forgiven for thinking it was your bullet that did the job.As you know,Civil War battle's gunfire could resemble lead sleet.Wasn't there a tree cut down by gunfire in one of the Late Unpleasantness' battles?
 
The best known example of a mighty oak cut down by rifle fire is at the Mule Shoe (Spotsylvania Court House, May 12, 1864). Here's a brief description of that battle and of one Confederate unit that was in it.

The year is 1864. Grant had taken command of the Union armies and he led the Army of the Potomac across the Rappahannock to the Wilderness where he was stopped by Lee. Despite suffering heavy casualties, he disengaged and tried to flank Lee. The belligerents collided again a few miles away at Spotsylvania Court House. Part of Lee's army was entrenced in a salient that was shaped like an upside down "U" or, as the soldiers termed it, a mule shoe. An attack two days earlier by Emory Upton had penetrated a vulnerable point of the salient and almost broke the Confederate lines. Recognizing its vulnerability, Grant figured that a larger corps size attack could penetrate the mule shoe, cut Lee's army in half and allow him to destroy it. He directed Hancock's II Corps to make the effort and on May 12, 1864, Hancock's men swept up the picket line of Virginians. Many of their guns had misfired because of the light drizzle. Thus, very little warning was given before Hancock's men stormed over the Confederate entrenchments. Over 4,000 Confederates including two generals were gobbled up and taken prisoners before Lee could organize a counter attack.

Joining in the counter-attack was the 17th Mississippi and among their ranks was Pvt. David Holt who wrote about fighting there. The Confederates rushed in, taking heavy losses as they pushed back the Union soldiers. Finally, they lost momentum and both sides hunkered down, separated by log fortification. To stand and fire meant certain death but this didn't stop men from jumping atop the parapet and shooting down into their enemy on the other side. They were handed a fresh musket by their comrades below and fired again until they themselves were shot down. Then someone else mustered the courage to replace him. Other men merely raised their rifles overhead and held it at a downward angle to shoot. Those lucky enough to be aware of it grabbed the muzzle and shoved it up and away from them. Other soldiers simply stuck their gun into the cracks between the logs and fired. Others thrusted their bayonets through the cracks. Men grabbed their opponents by the hair to drag them to their side of the logs to kill them. Bayonets were fixed to the guns and empty guns were hurled like javelins over the logs, impaling itself on some soldier on the other side. The ground, which had been muddy, turned a deep red as bodies three to five deep piled atop of one another with the dead sometimes smothering the wounded. As the ground was saturated, the men often fought in pools of blood several inches in depth. So intense was the fighting that an oak, 22" thick, was cut down by rifle fire alone. Part of it may be seen at the Smithsonian Museum today.

By the time his unit had been withdrawn to shorter lines, they were fed for the first time in over 24 hours. No one ate. Instead, they broke down and cried. They grieved for their lost comrades. They grieved for their wounded. They grieved for themselves and the horrible battle they had just survived. Men who would had previously fought each other at a glance rushed to each others arms and embraced, crying that they were ashamed to have begrudged one another in the past and how nobly the other had fought at the battle. Many swore eternal friendship.

This is all from memory. If you want the first hand account, it's from David Holt's A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia. It's published by LSU Press (Go tigers!)
 
A bit of coastal defense

“Our brave riflemen, with unparalleled agility, out ran them, and notwithstanding the fire from the ships, surrounded the men and took ten of them prisoners, and secured one of their boats, the other pushed off [with] two in it; one of the riflemen ran after it in the water, but missing his grasp, fired and killed one of the men, who fell overboard, the other by lying on his back rowed to his vessel. The Savage kept up a continual fire for some hours, without the least hurt to any of our men, who lay snug behind the rocks, and defied their thunder, and at lucid individuals fired at the ship. One man was seen to tumble over the quarter-deck into the water, whom they took to be an officer.”

Good news to share with all the gentle readers out there. My editor has finished the last chapter. :D I'm going to incorporate his suggestions over the course of the week and then re-scan images that were lost when my hard drive died earlier this year. :banghead: Early in February the book will be designed and the index developed.
 
Rather than share a bedtime story with you, I'd rather show some analysis as an example of the book. Gettysburg had a target rifle on display (I don't know if it's still displayed since the new visitors' center has been opened). Its provenance is disputed and it is claimed to have been removed from Devil's Den. This is from an endnote that examines the dispute.

Skeptics correctly point out that other than Rosensteel’s claim, there is no provenance for the gun. They cite the lack of Confederate documentation and the difficulty of a sixteen year old boy carrying away a 30 plus pound rifle from a battlefield without being intercepted (and punished) by the Provost Marshal. One soldier remembered seeing relic hunters with some even misrepresenting themselves as volunteer nurses to attain permission to wander the battlefield. See Thomas Francis Galwey, The Valiant Hours (Harrisburg, Stackpole, 1961), 121 (hereinafter cited as Galwey). Earl Hess points out that an estimated 3,000 to 5,000 civilians scavenged over 15,000 small arms from Gettysburg. Earl Hess, The Rifle Musket in Civil War Combat (Lawrence, University of Kansas Press, 2008), 50.

I believe the article is genuine. You'll see a photo of the gun in the book. Copies of the manuscript are being sent out this week for review including someone who is very famous to all students of sniping.
 
“For aught that I knew, some concealed observer might now be watching me from the pine-tops on the nearest knoll. Some rifleman might be running his practiced eye down the deadly groove, to topple me from my perch, and send me crashing through the boughs. The uncertainty, the hazard, the novelty of my position had at this time an indescribable charm...”

He calls it charm. I'd practice my profanity and curse not getting out on sick call. I'm shopping for a book designer now.
 
Street fighting at Fredericksburg

The Confederate sharpshooters had driven away the Union pontineers. In retaliation, the Union commander, Ambrose Burnside, ordered the town shelled by artillery fire. In addition, he had his own sharpshooters shoot into the known Confederate sharpshooter nests. After it was determined that the bombardment was sufficent, the pontineers were ordered forward to complete the bridge. But, the Confederates popped out of their shelters and pelted them with bullets, killing and wounding some, and driving the survivors back. Again the artillery shelled the town. This scene was repeated several times and the bombardment was judged ineffective. Thus, a river crossing was ordered to drive away the Confederate sharpshooters.

The bombardment was not entirely ineffective and Seventeenth Mississippi’s Lt. Col. John Fiser of Barksdale’s Brigade reported one lieutenant who “so far forgot himself as to draw his pistol and threaten to kill some of my sharpshooters if they fired again, as it would draw the enemy’s fire on his position.” To complete the bridge, Union infantrymen were ordered to cross the river in boats and clear Fredericksburg of sharpshooters. While supported by artillery and their sharpshooters, none was optimistic. The first to cross were the men of the Seventh Michigan. Watching them was Capt. James E. Smith of the Fourth New York Independent Battery. “Nearly one hundred men from the 7th Michigan promptly offered their services. While the boats were being loaded the firing increased, the bullets falling in the water near the boats like hail, but there was no flinching-the men who had willingly undertaken this task had counted the cost and fearlessly placed their lives on the altar of their country... Think of it! Less than one hundred men exposed in three open, clumsy boats, propelled with oars or paddles, which made but slow progress, in the face of a well-concealed and active foe, having no knowledge of the numbers they were about to encounter, with little hope of reinforcements until the boats could return... I shall never forget my sensations during the moments required to cross the river. The first man to jump ashore from the boats was a lieutenant, who was hit before striking the ground. He crawled back into the boat and subsequently recrossed the river...”

Among the “volunteers” who crossed by pontoon was Private Englis of the Eighty-ninth New York Volunteer Infantry. They were crossing downstream from the Seventh Michigan’s landing point. Private Englis described their experience:

“We were ordered to strike Tents about ten O’clock that night and marched to the River for the purpose of supporting our Engineers while the[y] were putting the Pontoon Bridge over. They had got it about half way over, when the Rebs poured a dreadful volley of musketry into them and from the buildings in the Citty which drove our men from the Bridge.
“Isac Hughes had two of the fingers of his left hand shot off the first volley. He was the only one wounded in our Co. Our Artillery opened on the Citty amediatly and the Rebs were soon quited but they still held their position in the Houses. Five times during the day our men tried to finish the bridge but they were driven off as often.
“At last about 5 o’clock, Burnside said the bridge must be finished and He ordered our Regt. to get into boats and cross the river and drive the Rebs from the Citty. Not a man that got into the Boats expected to land alive.”

Thanks to artillery and sharpshooter support, the Eighty-ninth New York suffered only one killed and nine wounded during the crossing. Crossing upstream from them was the Nineteenth Massachusetts and Second Lt. John B. Adams: “At last volunteers were called for by Colonel Hall, commanding the brigade, and the 19th Massachusetts and the 7th Michigan volunteered. We took the pontoon boats from the wagons, carried them to the river, and as soon as they touched the water, filled them with men. Two or three boats started at the same time, and the sharpshooters opened a terrible fire. Men fell in the water and in the boats. Lieutenant-Colonel Baxter of the 7th Michigan was shot when half-way across. Henry E. Palmer of Company C was shot in the foot as he was stepping into the boat, yet we pressed on, and at last landed on the other side.”

Preceding the Nineteenth was the Seventh Michigan which suffered one killed and several wounded including its commander, Lt. Col. Baxter. General McLaws gives the Confederate view of the crossing: “About 4:30 P.M. the enemy began crossing in boats, and the concentrated fire from all arms, directed against Barksdale’s men in the rifle-pits, became so severe that it was impossible for them to use their rifles with effect. As the main purpose of a determined defense, which was to gain time for the other troops to take position, had [been] accomplished, Colonel Fiser was directed to draw his command back from the river and join the brigade in the city; and just in time, for the enemy no longer impeded by our fire, crossed the river rapidly in boats, and, forming on the flanks, rushed down to capture the men in the rifle-pits, taking them in the rear. Some of the men in the cellars, who did not get the order to retire, were thus captured, but the main body of them rejoined the brigade on Princess-Anne Street, where it had assembled...”

There is little doubt that Gen. McLaws was correct, and First New York Light Artillery’s Maj. Osborn would agree. “As a fact,” wrote Maj. Osborn, “the shelling made no difference in the relations between the sharpshooters and the men laying the bridges. When General Sumner had shelled the city as long as he saw fit, he put men enough across the river in boats to take possession of the sharpshooters and the city at the same time. This he could as well have done at sunrise as at sunset.”

The following describes the street fighting that took place at Fredericksburg after the Rappahannock was crossed.

Intense street fighting developed as the Federals wrestled with Confederates for control. Anticipating this, Barkdale’s men placed dirt filled boxes and barrels on the streets for additional cover. Ordered to withdraw, Barksdale complied but stubbornly contested the Federal advance. Fighting behind these makeshift measures and doorways, trees, windows and anything else that offered cover, his men exacted a heavy toll on the Federal infantry.

Among Nineteenth Mass. Co. B was Sgt. Joseph Hodgkins: “[We] formed on the bank, and deployed as skirmishers through the streets. Our company moved up the street leading from the river, where we had crossed, when we received a shower of bullets from the enemy, who were posted in the houses behind the fences and wherever a shelter offered. We turned into a corner lot, and took shelter behind a fence, when we received another volley, killing one of our men and wounding another. We returned the fire, but found the Rebs. too thick and too well posted for us, so we beat a retreat to the river again.” Hawke Street was too well defended and so Sgt. Hodgkins and the rest of the Nineteenth Mass. fought from behind the house at the northwestern corner of Hawke and Sophia Street .

Nineteenth Massachusetts Lt. John Adams corroborated Sgt. Hodgkins and provided more details: “As soon as the boats touched the shore we formed by companies, and, without waiting for regimental formation, charged up the street, on reaching the main street we found that the fire came from houses in front and rear. Company B lost ten men out of thirty in less than five minutes. Other companies suffered nearly the same. We were forced to fall back to the river, deploy as skirmishers, and reached the main street through the yards and houses... Capt. Weymouth went from right to left of the line, giving instructions and urging the men forward. My squad was composed of men from companies I and A. We had reached a gate, and were doing our best to cross the street.. I had lost three men when Captain Weymouth came up. ‘Can’t you go forward, Lieutenant Adams?’ he said. My reply was, ‘It is mighty hot, captain.’ He said, ‘I guess you can,’ and started to go through the gate, when as much as a barrel of bullets came at him. He turned and said, ‘It is quite warm, lieutenant; go up through the house.’ We then entered the back door and passed upstairs to the front, Gilman Nichols of Company A was in advance. He found the door locked and burst it open with the butt of his musket. The moment it opened he fell dead, shot from a house on the other side of the street. Several others were wounded, but we held the house until dark, firing at a head whenever we saw one on the other side.”

While the Nineteenth Massachusetts fought from behind houses, the Seventh Michigan fought from behind the southeast corner house on the same intersection (the streets of Fredericksburg follow the Rappahannock River and so the first street, Sophia, runs along a NW to SE axis). The freshest regiment to land was the Twentieth Massachusetts. They stormed up Hawke Street with disastrous results. Among the waiting Confederates was Thirteenth Mississippi Pvt. William Little Davis. “One Yankee reg’t formed a pretty line and was advancing up a street-a little before dark, our boys who were laying on the ground on the next street, quickly arose and poured a deadly volley into their midst causing the greatest confusion. The Yankee officer cried to his men to charge the rebels. Our boys, one and all, cried out 'Come on!'”

The Mississippians contested the ground stubbornly and describing the Thirteenth Mississippi’s volley from the receiving end is Twentieth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry’s Pvt. Josiah F. Murphey: “Think of it, a company of about sixty men advancing up a street with no protection whatever and two or three hundred of the enemy sheltered completely and pouring a murderous fire upon you from every window, door, and behind every fence. They would even poke their guns around the corner of the houses and fire into us at close range... We lost about forty men from our company in the space of fifty yards. In no battle of the war did we lose so many men in so short a time.” Pvt. Murphey, who was among the wounded, mentions only the casualties of his company and his brigade commander, Colonel Norman Hall, reported that they suffered ninety-seven men and officers killed and wounded within that fifty yards.

Despite sustaining heavy casualties, the Twentieth Massachusetts stormed up one block to Caroline Street and wheeling right and left, cleared Caroline of the Confederates. By now Barksdale had been ordered to withdraw but one of his officers, Twenty-first Mississippi’s Lt. Lane Brandon recognized his Harvard Law School classmate, Maj. Henry Abbott, and refused to yield ground to Abbott. Instead Lt. Brandon counterattacked and drove Abbott back. Lt. Brandon received another order to retreat and after he again refused, had to be arrested.

Cut and paste the above out before visiting Fredericksburg. Old town Fredericksburg has a lot of charm and much of the area where this fighting took place was restored after the war. You can actually walk the streets and see bullet holes in the homes that were patched up.
 
Fredericksburg, continued.

Continued from last week.

With Fredericksburg taken, the Federals expanded their bridgehead by rolling up the flanks and capturing the Confederates who failed to withdraw. Throughout the night of the 11th and during the 12th, the Federal army crossed en masse and deployed along the river’s bank. However, Barksdale had delayed sufficiently for Longstreet to deploy his corps on Marye’s Heights and for Jackson to arrive to secure Lee’s right with his corps. Nonetheless, Lee grew uneasy and cautioned Longstreet that his line would be broken. Longstreet responded that given enough ammunition, it would hold. Longstreet’s artillery commander, Lt. Col. E. Porter Alexander, confidently predicted: “A chicken could not live in that field when we open [fire] on it.”

Alexander’s and Longstreet’s opinion were shared by many Federals. Capt. Francis Donaldson, 118th Pennsylvania Infantry or the “Corn Exchange Regiment” because it was raised in the exchange, waited apprehensively: “Our whole Grand Division was massed here, and we could distinctly see the enemy’s earthworks on the hills back of Fredericksburg... The whole army could easily see the work laid out for them, and the men were anything but enthusiastic over it. They could tell at a glance how impossible it would be to take the works that had been quietly in progress of building for weeks, while their commander waited until their finish before attacking them.” Burnside used the night to move his army across the River. They would attack on Sunday, the 13th.

Having withdrawn Barksdale’s men, Longstreet ordered General T. R. R. Cobb’s brigade in the path of the impending Federal attack. Among them was George Montgomery: “General Cobb placed his Brigade behind a stone fence and pulled off his hat and waving it over his head exclaimed, ‘Get ready Boys here they come’ and they did come sure. We waited until they got within about 200 yards of us and rose to our feet and poured volley after volley into their ranks which told a most deadening effect. They soon began to waiver and at last broke from the rear, but the shouts of our brave soldiers had scarcely died away when we saw coming another column more powerful and seemingly more determined than the first (if possible) but only a few rounds from our brave & well tried men was necessary to tell them that they had undertaken a work a little too hard. But before they had entirely left the field another column and another and still another came to their support. But our well aimed shots were more than they could stand...” The first assault against Mayre’s Heights was made by William H. French’s Third Division of E. V. Sumner’s II Corps. When they failed, Sumner sent in his First Division under Winfield Hancock. They too fared no better.
 
Glad you enjoyed it BHP Fan. I've actually gone back to post 345 to include a prequel that described the amphibious landing across the Rappahannock. All the endnotes have been eliminated since they don't cut & paste well (but they will be in the book).

BTW, I just fiinshed the latest NRA Firearms Classic Library offering, Harry P. Davis' A Forgotten Heritage: The Story of a People and the Early American Rifle. It is filled with wishful thinking that will be corrected in Chapter I, II and III of my book. Unfortunately, Davis does not cite his sources (no footnotes or endnotes) but it will be obvious where his information isn't correct. That's the beauty of newer books. You benefit from the scholarship and research of previous authors. So, if you subscribe to the series, read the Davis book soon so you'll enjoy mine even more.

Right now the book is undergoing peer review and I'm still shopping for a designer. Most of the pictures have been photoshopped (when you scan an image, it may not be perfectly horizontal and vertical and has to be adjusted) and to some extent, touched up (older pictures are sometimes hard to see without some touch-up).
 
Hope you all don't mind if I post a couple pics of things you all were talking about above!

I'm quite the amateur battlefield roamer and documenter. If any of you are truly interested in seeing my pictures I'd be happy to post a link and direct you there. I have, literally, a couple thousand pictures of pretty much all the major battlefields of the Civil War.

But to get back on topic...

Here is the monument to General Sedgwick in the spot where he was killed.

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That treeline in the far distance is approximately about where the shot came from that killed Sedgwick. It is a long shot but still... I would say they very much could hit an elephant at that distance.

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Here is the Bloody Angle at the Mule Shoe. You can still see the ridge of the old works covered with vegetation in the foreground. The Mule Shoe at Spotsylvania is truly remarkable in that it's still so well preserved and for the most part, while being worn down and eroded and such, is still there even after 144 years.

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The Confederate works that are the Mule Shoe.

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This is at the site of the oak tree looking out from the Confederate perspective behind the works at the direction that the Federal attack came.

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4v50, I've heard it said that generals use the last wars strategy to fight the present day war. Did the civil war generals ever get it that they were using smooth-bore tactics in a rifled-bore war?
I've studied the civil war enough to know that "military intelligence" is another word for tragedy.
 
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